By Osun Post Political Desk May 5, 2026
WHEN a recurring adage states that politics is local, it could be easily dismissed as mere ramblings of falsely ambitious men and women who meet every election season. Ranked near its top is the shadow primary in Osogbo, on May 3, 2026, and two starkly contrasting versions of what transpired there.
The Bigger Picture First
The Ila/Ifedayo/Boluwaduro Federal Constituency is a three local-governments constituency. For instance, in the case of the APC producing one viable candidate for the House of Representatives seat, this means that each local government enters into that exercise with one voice, one aspirant — rather than an amorphous field which ends up diluting its influence and gravely undercutting its bargaining power at constituency level.
Against that backdrop, the Boluwaduro APC leadership through its Elders Council deemed it fit to organize an internal shadow primary (not a general election, just a family affair to see who among all the aspirants from Boluwaduro would represent the local government in the larger constituency contest). Consequently, the stakes are not just a national business. They play directly into who eventually becomes the APC's candidate for a seat in the National Assembly.
The Many Aspirants In The Run Up To Primary
It had two aspirants from Boluwaduro — the erstwhile Chief Executive Officer of the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria, Dr. Babawale Salako (a.k.a More Blessing) and Omooba Kayode Omiyale. It has been a rocky road to the shadow primary. Indeed meetings were held, including those convened at the Otan Ayegbaju residence of Rt. Hon. Femi Popoola, a man whose mere convening of such meetings indicated the determination that the leadership was bringing to bear on the process — is himself a former Deputy Speaker, by the way — Chairman of the Boluwaduro APC Elders Council; and others among THE LEADERS!
Also, this two-man race actually came about after an internal reconciliation in Igbajo, one of Boluwaduro's constituent towns. The Igbajo party elders had earlier mediated in the feud for ruling out rival interests from Dr. Bode Olaonipekun and Omooba Kayode Omiyale, thereby arriving at a consensus candidate by yielding one Igbajo person—the eventual flagbearer of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP with less than a fortnight to the commencement of elections—Omooba Omiyale. The earlier consensus exercise that led to the sacrifices and negotiations of 2003 had established a template which the Boluwaduro elders wanted to reproduce at local government level.
At last, a final meeting took place at a hotel in Osogbo on the 2nd of May 2026. Dr. Salako and Omooba Omiyale were both present, deliberated over and signed a formal Consensus Agreement — A binding agreement to partake in the shadow primary process and accept the outcome of that process. The Osun State Renewed Hope Ambassador, Oluomo Sunday Akere served as an observer and counter-signed the agreement.
The Exercise
The shadow primary followed the next day, 3rd May and was held in Boluwaduro before gathered party leaders including some of the most senior party figures. Those present included the newly sworn in Deputy Speaker of the House of Assembly, Hon. Femi Popoola; Secretary, Ila/Ifedayo/Boluwaduro Federal Constituency, Mr. Richard Tinubu; former local government chairmen Alhaji Tijani Babalola, Prince Adegboro Ilori, Hon. Stephen Adetunji Dosumu and Prince Hakeem Tokede; incumbent Boluwaduro LGA Chairman Alhaji Bayo Oyekanmi; LCDA Chairman Hon. Samson Awodiji alongside other party dignitaries.
Twenty delegates—two from each of the ten wards of Boluwaduro—all normal and present in flesh constituted the voting pool. The exercise was won by Dr Emmanuel Babawale Salako with 11 votes to Omooba Omiyale's 9.
Then Came The Petition
A petition from the Omiyale Media Team emerged in public space within hours of the result. It claimed that the exercise had not been conducted in a peaceful atmosphere — that thugs invaded the venue, kidnapped and tore to pieces a list of delegates, and that delegates from Ward 9 were not accredited as required; claiming also that security personnel were assaulted. At least, the petition asked for a complete annulment of the result.
In reply, the Salako camp cited the seniority and stature of those who witnessed a process now central to this controversy; a point they stressed in particular: that every moment of the exercise was captured on camera. Many in attendance filmed the proceedings – the voting, the counting, the announcement – on their own devices and that footage has been shared widely on social media and WhatsApp groups. If the upheaval happened, as depicted by Salako's camp, it would be on camera somewhere.
The Ward 9 Question
A more specific allegation related to the Iresi axis (Ward 9). According to the Salako camp, the question became who had the right to nominate Ward 9 delegates, and outside of typical ward-level pressure, influence was apparently applied to try and dictate who should represent Ward 9. The case was resolved in favour of the Ward 9 Chairman as he had the right to select his own delegates representing his own ward. Ward 9 was represented by all of its own people — and according to the Salako camp, the issue regarding the response that the chairman had proven he was consistently working towards the required standards has been upheld.
The Counter-Rejoinder
In a separate statement, the Omiyale Media Team has taken a harder line. They contended that the presence of senior leaders is no excuse for what they call verifiable disruptions, naming witnesses along with security personnel and a party official who they say are ready to testify, and demanded that results from any compromised process cannot acquire legitimacy regardless of any accords which preceded it.
In response to the allegations, the Salako camp's position has been quite simple: prove us wrong. Twenty delegates. Senior witnesses. A signed agreement. Circulating video footage. Repetition is not proof, they contend.
How It Affects The Constituency Race
The implications of this disagreement go far beyond just Boluwaduro. The capacity of all three component local governments to arrive with a self-contained and uncontested aspirant each at the Federal constituency-level negotiating table provides that slight edge (leverage) and credibility. A Boluwaduro that reaches the table divided, is a Boluwaduro that reaches power weak.
This, maybe more than anything else, is what makes the resolution of this all so urgent. Ultimately, it is the APC structure in Osun State that will decide whether to accept the result of their shadow primary or order a fresh process. Both camps would likely agree, if on little else, that (for Boluwaduro) clarity is best (and a united front will hold when the bigger contest begins).
Osun Post will continue to monitor the situation as it develops.
Know more about this or any other story? Reach our political desk at: osunpost@gmail.com
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